American Government
Syllabus
| Assignments
| Discussion Forum
| Announcements
Lecture
Notes | Links
| Instructor Page
| Email
Addresses
February
Messages
|
February
28th: POL
120, Essay #2 (Advice)
Hi All,
As ya'll know your answers for Essay #2 are due to me via email by midnight,
this Friday evening (3/4). There will be an 8-hour grace period extending
till 8am Saturday (3/5), but after that time I will accept no more answers.
As soon as I receive your emailed answer, I will send you a confirmation
message. If you don't receive a confirmation message
from me within a couple of hours (or by 8am the next morning if you sent
it after 10pm the previous evening), assume that I have not received your
essay and resend immediately.
Also, remember that you MUST send
your answer in the body of a regular email message. I
DO NOT accept attachments.
Finally, an in some respects most importantly, I do want to remind folks
that the emphasis of this assignment is the Political Concepts, not the
topic. If you remember my note on the Essay #2 assignment page:
Remember the key to the assignment is
to demonstrate your mastery of the political concepts by incorporating
them, in detail, into your examination of the topic. Don't become overly
concerned with the topic to the detriment of a detailed discussion of the
political concepts.
The topic (Civil Rights Movement) is merely a vehicle through which you
will demonstrate you mastery of 5 of the assigned Political Concepts. By
demonstrating your mastery of the Political Concepts, I mean that you have
discussed them in detail (not merely used them in a sentence) in relation
to the assigned topic. The Political Concepts for Essay #2 are:
-
social movement theories (social strain theory, resource mobilization
theory, political process theory, or social-psychologcial),
-
NAACP,
-
Martin Luther King and the Nonviolence Movement,
-
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896),
-
Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954),
-
Civil Rights Act of 1964,
-
Voting Right Act of 1965,
-
and Affirmative Action.
Remember, of this list you must select 5.
Now, I have asked ya'll to limit your answers to around 1000 to 1500
words (approximately two to three, single-spaced pages). That of course
is an estimate. If you go a little over that, I will still accept you answer,
so don't let any limits hold you back. Do remember that this is an assignment
that ya'll have had nearly two weeks to work on, and my expectations are
geared accordingly.
Take care,
Ernest
|
|
February
27th: POL
120, Essay #1: General Comments
Hi All,
In just a moment I will return your graded essay answers for
Essay #1. Overall we did very well for a first essay – the class
average was 18.7 out of a possible 22.5, a B. For an in-depth
examination of the assigned concepts in relation to the topic,
please see the POL 120, Essay #1 Concepts Analysis email
message that I just sent out. For a detailed statistical
breakdown of the class-wide performance, please see the Essay
#1 - Results message on the Announcements page.
I do have a few quick class-wide comments for Essay #1 that I will share
with you now.
-
We tended to err on the side of too much topic content and too little academic,
political analysis. Remember the topic is simply a vehicle through which
you can demonstrate to me your mastery of the political concepts.
-
Be sure to begin your essays with a statement of purpose for the essay
(What are you going to do and how are you going to do it). Also, list the
concepts that you will include in your essay. Doing this will help structure
your answer, and make it clearer which concepts you are employing in your
answer.
-
For an example of the level of depth I am looking for in your analysis
of each of the concepts, please do refer back to the class-wide email –
POL
120, Essay #1: Using the Political Concepts (Example) – that I sent
out on February 5th.
-
Be more concise with your writing; if you can't connect a content point
to either your general argument or to a political concept, then don't include
it.
-
Realize that there are other points of view. Doing this will strengthen
your own argument. It is much better to raise the other perspectives and
refute them then it is to simply pretend they don't exists.
-
Please note that not every comment in *red*
on your essay means a deduction. In addition to being the basis for the
majority of your final course grade, the essays are a critical learning
tool for the course; hence I will often include instructive feedback in
my comments.
-
I provide the letter grades only for your benefit to see how you are doing.
I only enter the numeric grade into my grade book and then total all such
grades at the end of the semester, and only then do I assign a letter grade
– your final course grade.
- The calculation for your current participation grade is as of the conclusion
of Discussion #7.
-
Remember that I will drop your lowest essay score and double your highest,
so if you did poorly on this essay, simply use it as a wake-up call to
revise matters for Essay #2. And do remember that I am here to help. Let
me know what questions you have, and I will be happy to work with you on
improving your performance for Essay #2.
As always, if you have any questions at all about the way in which I graded
your essay, please don't hesitate to ask me. I am happy to discuss any
questions you might have with a specific concept or the grade I have assigned.
If you are making an inquiry regarding the assigned grade, please do be
sure to point out exactly where you believe I erred. In all likelihood
I will not revise your grade, but I will give the matter serious consideration;
and if I have indeed made a mistake, I will certainly move to rectify it.
Take care,
Ernest
|
|
February
27th: POL
120, Essay #1: Concepts Analysis
Essay #1 Concepts Analysis
Topic Notes:
As we all know that that convention held in Philadelphia over the summer
of 1787 became known as the Constitutional Convention because the delegates
decided to start anew from the ground up, total redefining the relationship
between the states and the national government and moving our governing
structure from a confederacy to a federal form of government. This move
from a confederacy (where the states reigned supreme) to a federal form
(where power is shared between the states and the central government) started
a loss of state power that continued through watershed events such as the
decision in McCulloch v. Maryland (1819), the Civil War, the Great Depression,
World War II and the emergence of the United States as a superpower. States
today retain some power, but there is no question that the Federal government
now reigns supreme.
The Federalist versus Anti-Federalist debate:
It really boils down to your view of federalism. Supporters of the nation-centered
view argue that the nation preexisted the states and called the states
into existence when the Continental Congress instructed the colonies to
sever ties to England. In contrast, supporters of the state-centered view
argue that the states preexisted the nation and created it by a compact
among themselves. They believed that the individual states could secede
from the union if the national government violated the compact by encroaching
upon state sovereignty. With these sentiments in mind, you really can make
a solid argument either way. Certainly issues such as education will always
have a have local and state component. However, broader issues such as
health care and national security will take the states working in union
at the direction of the national government in order to be effective.
As we consider the very first transference of power from the states
to the central government (the move from the Articles of Confederation
to the Constitution), we must understand the mindset of the founders and
the political realities of the day. One, they had just fought a long and
destructive war against excessive governability -- the unitary system of
the British Crown. Two, and more importantly, the 13 states already considered
themselves to be sovereign entities. These sovereign entities would not
be willing to surrender their sovereignty to some new, centralized power.
The confederation proved unsuccessful on many levels, but most notable
on economic grounds. Transporting goods across state lines was more akin
to international trade than anything else, as individual state placed tariffs
on goods produced in other states. The basis of the Annapolis Convention
of 1786 was actually to discuss economic matters. This convention was in
most ways a failure, but it was at the Annapolis Convention that the call
went out for a convention to be held the following year in Philadelphia
to consider revising the Articles of Confederation. The Constitutional
Convention as we know it today, did far more than merely revise the Articles;
it threw them out and started from scratch. While it was indeed not certain
who would reign supreme, the states or the central government. The very
act of revising the Articles of Confederation established a trend toward
greater power for the central government. Realizing this, many ardent states
rights supporters (such as Patrick Henry) chose not to attend the Convention.
Ultimately the debate would simmer until the outcome of the Civil War which
forever answered the question in favor of the central government.
Article I, Section 8 - Enumerated Powers:
These are the specified powers of the Federal government. Article I,
Section 8 list 17 specific powers such as the power to regulate commerce,
to coin money, to raise armies and navies, etc. Taken in total these 17
powers are rather limiting. The key to the enumerated powers is their connection
to the implied powers found at the end of Article I, Section 8. It is through
the implied powers (the necessary and proper clause) that the Federal government
has been able to greatly expand its powers. For example, through the application
of the necessary and proper clause, the several enumerated powers relating
to financial matters can be expanded into the creation of a national bank.
No where in the Constitution is the Federal government granted such a power,
but it could quite reasonably be argued that a national bank is necessary
and proper for carrying into execution such enumerated powers as borrowing
money, coining and regulated the value of money, the punishment of counterfeiters,
etc.
Article I, Section 8 - Implied Powers (necessary and proper clause):
The 'Necessary and Proper' clause (aka the elastic clause) gives the
US Congress the right to make all laws which shall be deemed (by Congress,
the President and the Supreme Court -- all national actors) …necessary
and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers (the enumerated
powers of Article I, Section 8), and all other powers vested by this Constitution
in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer
thereof. Sounds like pretty sweeping stuff doesn't it. Yes there are checks
and balances on this power, one or both of the houses of Congress could
choose not to pass the bill, the President could choose to veto it, or
the Supreme Court could declare the new law unconstitutional. But as pointed
out earlier, these are all national actors, the states have no recourse
to oppose what they might see as abuses of the necessary and proper clause.
Their only option is to fight such through Federal bodies such as Congress
or the Federal Courts.
Theoretically speaking, the key point of Constitutional contention is
between the ‘Necessary and Proper’ clause of Article I, Section 8 and the
10th Amendment. Contrast the sentiments of the 'Necessary and Proper' clause
with the 10th Amendment -- The powers not delegated to the United States
by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to
the states respectively, or to the people. The key phrase here being, 'not
delegated;' certainly one could interpret the 10th Amendment to argue that
we should only focus on the enumerated (delegated) powers of the Congress
and should keep a very close rein on any of the 'implied' powers of the
'Necessary and Proper' clause.
Article I, Section 10:
This section of the Constitution places specific restriction on the
states. State for example may not enter into alliances with foreign governments
– that is strictly the domain of the Federal government. The specific proscriptions
of Article I, Section 10 when taken with the potentially expansive powers
of the necessary and proper clause of Article I, Section 8 certainly tip
the balance of power in favor of the Federal government and away from the
individual states. It is little wonder that the addition of the 10th Amendment
(as part of the Bill of Rights) became a critical necessity to ensuring
that powerful states such as New York and Virginia would ratify the Constitution.
Article VI (supremacy clause):
This clause holds that laws and treaties enacted and entered into by
the Federal government will be the supreme law of the land; they shall
supercede any state law or interest. The Marshall Court employed the supremacy
clause as a critical part of its decisions in two of its most important
case McCulloch v. Maryland (1819) and Gibbons v. Ogden (1824). Holding
in McCulloch v. Maryland that the state did not have the power to tax an
entity (a branch of the national bank) of the Federal government and in
Gibbons v. Ogden that a New York law requiring the licensing (at a substantial
fee) of out-of-state boat operators before using state waterways violated
the interstate commerce clause. In the 1920 case of Missouri v. Holland,
the Supreme Court held that a treaty entered into by the United State and
Great Britain could be used to regulate the hunting of migratory birds
even though no such power was granted to it in Article I, Section 8. The
basis for the Missouri v. Holland decision was again the supremacy clause,
specifically the wording of the clause relating to treaties.
The 10th Amendment (reserve powers):
It is important to note that the 10th Amendment, and its reserved powers
for the states, was not included in the body of the original Constitution.
It, and the other nine amendments of the Bill of Rights, was only added
to convince the states that the right of the states and the individual
citizens would have formal protection from the potential of Federal tyranny.
The 10th Amendment has been used as the basis for radical state’s rights
movements – be it the nullification doctrine of the 1830s or the secession
of eleven states in 1861 – and also in more subtle exercises of state power
in areas such as education and civil rights. However, the final arbitrator
of all exercises of state power has ultimately been the Federal government
– be it by force, legislative action or judicial decision. Hence the reserve
powers have always fallen short when coming into conflict with the implied
powers.
McCulloch v. Maryland (1819)
In this case the Supreme Court ruled decisively in favor of national
authority. It was reasonable, the Court concluded, to infer that a government
with powers to tax, borrow money, and regulate commerce (and enumerated
powers found in Article I, Section 8) could establish a bank in order to
exercise those powers properly. The Court's argument was a clear statement
of implied powers -- the idea that, through the "necessary and proper"
clause, the national government's powers extend beyond a narrow reading
of its enumerated powers. The Court also addressed the meaning of the Constitution's
supremacy clause (found in Article VI). The state of Maryland argued that
it had the sovereign authority to tax the national bank even if it was
a legal entity. The Court rejected Maryland's position, concluding that
valid national law prevailed over conflicting state law. Because the national
government had the power to create the bank, it could also protect the
bank from actions by the states, such as taxation, that might destroy it.
|
|
February
26th: POL
120, Discussion #7 - My Comments
Hi All,
What follows are my comments for Discussion #7. You'll find
each of the three questions in bold, followed by my comments
for that question and also a sampling of some of the more insightful
student comments from this and past discussions. Once you've
had a chance to carefully go over this material, please do shoot
me an email with any questions you might have.
Take Care,
Ernest
Freedoms and Values
Do our commitments to free speech and a free press conflict
with our sense that flag burning should be prohibited or that
pornography should be regulated? If such freedoms are to mean
anything, mustn't we protect those very actions (speech - verbal
or symbolic, and press) which we as a nation find repugnant?
Be sure to cite some specific examples of where you feel the
boundaries between protected and unprotected speech and press
should be.
It seems that the topic of flag-burning always touches a raw
nerve. I don’t really feel that my personal opinions are of
much worth in this class. My job is to help you learn ‘how’
to think about political issues rather than ‘what’ to think.
However, I will throw out a few comments to consider. One, is
not the flag strong enough, fortified by the brilliant words
of the Founders and the blood of patriots, to withstand any
assault regardless of the feeble defense you or I might offer
it? Two, let us take into account the quality of the individuals
who would defile our flag. Are these really the kind of individuals
we want endorsing American values, and in some strange way do
these ‘scum’ as some of ya’ll have so charitable called them
actual strengthen the very symbol they are attempting to desecrate?
I’ll share a personal aside with ya’ll here. This concerns
not the American flag, but the Confederate Battle Flag – which
is NOT called the Stars and Bars, as some would incorrectly
call it. The Stars and Bars was the first official flag of the
Confederacy; the Battle Flag is the X design that we are most
all familiar with. Anyway back to my point. My ancestors fought
under the Battle Flag from Vicksburg to Gettysburg, with several
dying in a cause they believed just. While I don’t share the
views of my Grandfathers regarding either slavery or secession,
I do most earnestly respect their conviction and bravery; and
thus, the Confederate Battle Flag has special meaning to me
– I fully realize that many others will see this as a flag of
oppression, and I do support efforts to remove the battle flag
from official state symbols. Again, back to my point. :-) I
detest it when organizations such as the KKK and other hate
groups use the Confederate Battle Flag in their ceremonies and
protest. The Battle Flag was a flag of honor carried by brave
men willing to meet their end in grisly fashion on the field
of battle. My Great-Great Grandfather charged that stonewall
on the 3rd day at Gettysburg with the 34th North Carolina, and
I doubt the hate-mongers who have adopted the Battle Flag today
have 1/1000th the courage he and his comrades did. I see the
hate-monger’s ‘endorsement’ of the Battle Flag as a desecration
of his honor. However, the 1st Amendment gives these people
to right to spout whatever venom they desire, and I must tolerate
their behavior.
So my point is that there is more than one way to look at this
issue, and sometimes we might prefer it if certain people or
groups defiled our flag rather than attempt to co-opt for their
own purposes. I for one, never wish to see Saddam or Osama waving
an American flag. I don’t want their support for anything American.
I hope I have made my position clear here. Do let me know if
I have not. What I am trying to do is challenge ya’ll to think
differently. Do not make your arguments in predictable ways.
Predictable arguments are easily defeated. I am not asking you
to change your views, I just want you to express them in more
defensible ways.
What follows is a sampling of some of the more insightful student
comments from this and past discussions:
I feel that freedom of speech is important, and
regardless of how we feel about certain symbols it is the right
of every American to express their views. The fact that the
KKK can burn a cross, non-patriots can burn a flag, and pornography
is present all around us is part of the price we have to pay
for all American's to share this right. It is an individual’s
right to turn away, turn the channel, turn off the radio, boycott
products affiliated with certain groups and speak out against
these things. So, regardless of how each individual feels, freedom
of speech works both ways.
Freedom of speech is one of the foundations of our rights.
Burning a flag is freedom of speech. Those who get upset should
think of the flag as a piece of material. It is a sort of
representation of our country but not one that is our country.
It's just a symbol, the country is represented more by our
people…
You brought up a good point, what is a flag but a symbol.
In retrospect I should probably not feel as passionate about
flag burning as I do but remember that it is only a piece
of material that represents our country, but is not our country.
I agree with you to a certain extent. I feel that the
flag shouldn’t be burned, because it's been with us these
many years, yes it is a piece of material but I don't look
at it like that…
I agree with you on the point that cross burning is not
free speech. I feel the same you do about the flag but it
is free speech to burn the flag.
I think that the flag should be protected but unfortunately
it is free speech for a person to burn the flag. Pornography
should be regulated and but it should be allowed to view or
purchase by adults even though many of us disagree with it
and find it distasteful. We should protect the freedom of
speech and press no matter how repugnant an issue is. But,
I believe that cross burning should not be covered under free
speech.
Flag burning is a problimatic issue. I believe that some
good would be done if everybody had to become a naturlized
American citizen. If you worked to become a citizen, you would
have more respect. I have been told that many graduated high
schoolers could not pass the test! Our military men are not
fighting for those that burn flags, they're fighting for our
nation (represented by the flag itself). Flag burning is arguable
an obscen act. Burning the American flag corrups America;
it is a sign against our country. If we are not united as
Americans, what unites us? It is clear in Regina v. Hicklin,
among other cases, that our freedom of speech is free with
strings attached. Under the current judicial standing, there
are ways to argue apposing the flag burning. Should it be
this way? I believe that the amendment all inclusively states
the interperation... no string shoud be attached. We cannot
hold a double standard! To conclude, morally and patriodically
I cannot see allowing dis-unity ragarding the nation within
the united states. I, however, do not see any way to properly
interperate the Constitution (namly the 1st amendment) to
allow freedom of speech and not the burning of the flag.
The examples that you gave of flag burning and pornography
are completely different issues. Flag burning does not involve
the personal life of a person as pornography does. Though
we find some acts repugnant (such as the burning of an American
flag) it is necessary for a freedom sake that we allow them.
To me, it is troubling when individuals claim constitutional
omnipotence. How can we truly understand the Father's true
intentions without some degree of deduction or interpretation.
Further, most of us tend to be guilty of "reading" one portion
of the Constitution literally, because it supports their viewpoint.
Then in the next instance they will choose to "interpret"
the Founders intentions, yet again because it fits their purpose.
Separation of Church and State?
Does our commitment to separation of church and state mean
that no trace of religious sentiment or symbolism should emanate
from government? What do you think of President Bush's proposal
to allow religious-based charitable organizations to compete
for Federal grants? Does such an action blur the separation
of church and state?
Some might argue here that the Founders never intend for the
separation of church and state to be absolute. Some recently
uncovered letters of Jefferson, one of the least religious of
the Founders, call into question his position on absolute separation.
It appears Mr. Jefferson was not as inclined to build a wall
between religion and the state as some scholars have believed.
Personally, I see the argument continuing well into the 21st
Century, not so much on the basis of should the government actively
support Christianity (the predominant religion in the United
States), but more on the basis of should our government invoke
the belief in a higher power. Usually, we turn as a nation to
God in times of peril. ‘In God We Trust’ was added to our money
during the Civil War and ‘One Nation Under God’ was added to
the Pledge of Allegiance during World War II. There exists a
long history of our government recognizing a God, but not defining
whether that God is Christian, Muslin, Jewish, Buddhists, etc.
However, in closing, I should point out that by our holiday
schedule, American governments (federal, state, and local) already
do, at least passively, support the Christian faith. Tell me,
why is it Sunday that the mail is not delivered? Why not Saturday
the Jewish Sabbath or Friday the Islamic holy day? Also, why
is it that we have a public holiday on December 25th.
I point out these facts to illustrate a point. That is that
the US government has always endorsed the notion of a higher
power, and it has given a special position to the Christian
faith. Does this violate the ‘no establishment’ clause? That
may always be a point of debate. But here it is worth pointing
out that the other clause of the 1st Amendment which deals with
religion, the ‘free exercise’ clause, has never been considered
an absolute. That is, you are free to believe whatever you want,
but you are not free to put that belief into practice if it
violates the law. Thus the argument can be made that if the
‘free exercise’ clause is not an absolute, than why should we
think of the ‘no establishment’ clause in absolute terms. President
Bush’s proposal to allow religious-based charitable organizations
to compete for Federal grants will certainly move our government
closer to the establishment end of the spectrum, but it certainly
would not be a sea-level change in the general relationship
the US government has had with religion.
What follows is a sampling of some of the more insightful student
comments from this and past discussions:
…We should all have the right to worship the way
we want to. I do strongly oppose religious based charitable
organizations ability to compete for Federal Grants, I do not
believe it was ever intended for government to support religious
efforts and missions. I believe President Bush's action blurs
the separation of Church and State and that issue should remain
separated.
Religious-based charitable organizations should be allowed
to compete for federal grants. I believe that it would be
unfair to 'discriminate' against an organization because of
religion. Just because we allow them to compete for federal
grants does not jeopardize the separation of Church and State.
It only shows equal rights of all citizens to seek aid from
our government. IT is there to help the people and organizations
who need it and who qualify, regardless of their religion,
race, etc.
The Established Clause of the First Amendment does not
permit congress to make any laws respecting an establishment
of religion. I don't believe the President's proposal "blurs"
the separation of church and state. As long as everyone has
the opportunity to apply for such federal grants. In the book
it mentions whether children attending religious schools receiving
state aid in the form of text books, lunch programs. Sending
your child to a private school is a choice, the state provides
all the services in a public school paid for with your tax
dollars, so if a parent decides to send their child to a private
school, then they are subject to incur the bill. I do believe
the state can assist with textbooks and lunch programs.
I do believe, however, that it is important to remember
that our Founders were not exposed to Eastern religions or
philosophies. Since our Founders were "renaissance men", exposure
to these ideas would have changed their outlook, even if only
slightly. Our Constitution is a document limited by its time,
yet impressive nonetheless.
I have to disagree with you, I feel that religious based
charitable organizations should be able to compete for Federal
Grants. The Separation of Church and State is to keep the
government from declaring one religion as a national religion.
The Federal Grants would be available for any religious based
charitable organization, the grants would not be given out
to just a specific religion it would be open to all religions.
I feel that denying religious organizations the opportunity
to apply for these grants is discrimination....
There are three basic views about the separation of church
and state should be conceived. The first view calls for strict
separation in which the state takes no notice of religion
and permits no hint of religious sentiment or symbolism to
attach to its actions. The second view holds that the state
may not favor one religion over another, and certainly not
one over all of the others, but that it may provide general
support and benefit to all religions. The third view contends
that the state should actively promote religion as beneficial
to the nation's moral strength and health, though, once again
that no religion or religious should be favored over others.
Affirmative Action
Does affirmative action to assist minorities or women automatically
and inevitably mean discrimination against white men? Discuss
specific examples of why this may or may not be the case.
I must preface my comments with the disclaimer that I am a
white-male, and certainly the issue of affirmative action does
hold direct, negative consequences for me – at least that is
what my fears tell me. However, when I attempt to look outside
my gender and race, I must recognize the fact that white-males
still hold the predominant position in the American workforce.
Most decision-makers deciding who do the hiring and promoting
in this country are white-males. Regardless how some of us might
react to the issue of affirmative action, being a white-male
in this country is still a substantial benefit in securing educational
and employment opportunities.
Really, I think I dropped the ball on this question. At mid-week,
I really should have added a companion question on how ya’ll
felt about the notion of a ‘glass ceiling’ for women attempting
to move up the corporate ladder. I think such a question might
have focused our thoughts a little more.
What follows is a sampling of some of the more insightful student
comments from this and past discussions:
I support your stand about women and men in certain
professions might need a form of Affirmative Action where it
should not be put in place in all situations but if it is done
away with, the changes to the laws will most likely be put in
place across the board. It may hurt women’s rights, but ethnic
groups could make the same statement.
I do not think Affirmative Action discriminates against
the white man, but I do think it affects his position in some
circumstances. For the most part, women and minorities are
still passed over for certain positions in the work place
due to discrimination. It is also why white men make more
doing the same job. It is only in cases where a quota for
women and minorities in the work place is implemented that
a white man may be passed over for a job or housing. The only
discrimination that truly occurs is, and will more than likely
be for a long time to come, is against women and minorities.
Affirmative Action actually does little to even the playing
field.
The basis for affirmative action doesn't really discriminate
against white males. Unfortunately as time has gone on it
seems to be used for promotion of only certain groups without
any previous examples for a need. I think affirmative action
is probably necessary at least until we can actually hire,
promote, or admit to schools people who actually meet the
qualifications without looking at what color, sex, nationality,
or age. You would think it would be easy to just not ask those
questions on applications and therefore narrow down the ability
to admit someone based on these or not admit someone based
on these.
Is Affirmative Action discriminatory? Without doubt. Even
the program’s most passionate supporters do not typically
refute this unfortunate by-product. They believe that “African-Americans
and other minorities deserve compensation for policies that
excluded them from educational and employment opportunities
in the past.” Is reparation a legitimate goal? No. Affirmative
Action's original ambition, which likely was to ease racial
tensions and improve race relations, was commendable; however,
the program has now outlived its usefulness. Affirmative Action
often perpetuates racial division by reinforcing negative
stereotypes. First, it inadvertently casts minorities in a
“victim role”. In American society, victims are often viewed
as weak; and weakness is considered to be a character flaw.
Secondly, many bigots believe Affirmative Action is evidence
of racial supremacy / inferiority; they think it shows that
minorities need assistance to be successful. Finally, the
program can also unfairly stigmatize minorities who attain
positions with hard work or by merit.
|
|
February
25th: POL
120, Essay #2 (Reminder)
Hi All,
Essay #2 is due this coming Friday (3/4) evening by midnight.
For more information please do carefully review the Essay #2
message on the Announcement page and the assignment itself.
If you have any questions at all concerning the assignment,
please do let me know.
You should send your answer to me via regular email -- no
attachments -- just copy and paste your answer into
the body of a regular email message. There is an 8-hour grace
period extending from midnight Friday to 8am Saturday the 5th.
During that time, I will still be accepting answers, but after
8am Saturday, I will no longer accept any answers for Essay
#2.
It is important that you include your full name at the top
of the text of your email message, and that the subject line
of your email message reads POL 120: Essay #2. When I
receive your answer, I will send a very short confirmation message.
Usually, you will receive it a few hours after your submission;
however, if you send your assignment in the evening, I might
not get you a confirmation message till the next morning. If
you do not received a confirmation message, by all means resend
you answer. My point is, if you have
not received a confirmation message from me, consider that I
have not received your answer. My confirmation message to you
is your receipt showing that you have submitted the assignment.
I strongly urge you to complete your assignment as soon as possible
and never plan on using the grace period. In fact, submitting
your essay a few days in advance of the deadline would be the
best plan. Remember it is your responsibility to get the assignment
to me in the manner I have described above.
Finally, please do remember the key to the assignment is to
demonstrate your mastery of the political concepts by incorporating
them, in detail, into your examination of the topic. Don't become
overly concerned with the topic to the detriment of a detailed
discussion of the political concepts, and
do be sure to put everything in your own words. If you do use
the words, thoughts or ideas of another, you must properly cite
your source (author name, publication, and page number) and
direct quotes must include the previous reference information
and be placed inside quotation marks "...", to do otherwise
is plagiarism. I am here to answer any questions
you might have about the assignment. I will not review drafts,
but if you’d like to send me a skeletal outline of what you
are working on (be sure to include the specific political concepts
you will use), I’ll be very happy to provide feedback. If you
do wish me to look over a skeletal outline, you'll need to get
it to me by Tuesday (3/1), otherwise I won't have enough time
to thoroughly go over your outline and get you any meaningful
feedback in time for you to incorporated it into your essay.
Take care,
Ernest
|
|
February
20th: POL
120, Discussion #6 - My Comments
Hi All,
What follows are my comments for Discussion #6. You'll find
each of the three questions in bold, followed by my comments
for that question and also a sampling of some of the more insightful
student comments from this and past discussions. Once you've
had a chance to carefully go over this material, please do shoot
me an email with any questions you might have.
Take Care,
Ernest
The Problems of Factions
To what extent have the concerns of the Founders about the
problems that interest groups and political parties might pose
for our national politics been borne out? Do such institutions
condemn us to a state of constant strife, or do they serve useful
purposes?
In America we have long tended to define issues in terms of
two sides only (pro-life v. pro-choice, gun rights v. gun regulation,
slavery v. abolition, etc.) ; this phenomena can be trace back
to our constitutional origins with the federalist v. anti-federalist
debate. This is not the case in many European countries, where
issues are often multisided. This very well could be the basis
for our two-party system in contrast to many of the multiparty
systems in Europe.
What follows is a sampling of some of the more insightful student
comments from this and past discussions:
I think that the Founding Fathers were sure that
special interest groups would come together to attempt to sway
the thinking of political parties and certain individuals to
get favoritism. In the early years of our nation these goals
were harder to achieve than today because of the slow movement
of communication. The Founders also felt that these groups would
be so numerous that the parties or the individuals would be
able to pick and choose what "interests" would or could best
serve the nation. As we all know, this is not always the case.
I do feel that these special interest groups do at times
serve in the best interests of the nation or in the best interests
of certain groups. One doesn't have to look far to see what
strides have been made by women and blacks during the past
100 or so years. These groups have pulled together to become
two of the largest political forces ever in the United States.
Politicians had been slow in the beginning to hear these groups
but upon realizing the large number of potential votes that
could be gained, were quick to show support as time passed.
I don't think America is as divided by special interests
and politics as the Founders might have expected. The tensions
we have are useful because they focus our awareness and effort
on specific issues and thereby facilitate social change. Technology
and human nature assure us that for every problem we resolve,
we will develop new concerns to replace the resolved issues.
And a constant state of low-level strife is necessary for
a healthy government and economy.
We also have the UN, a global government of sorts. Look
at the proposed strike against Iraq. The US is working with/against
an international organization that is composed of multiple
nations. If we contrast this with American history (although
I don't know if such a comparison would be accurate), we could
conclude that entire nations may soon begin feeling the pressure
that the states felt after the Civil War.
Interest Groups and Public Policy
How do interest groups go about trying to influence public
policy? Does the 'soft' money they often provide to political
parties and the direct contributions they make to individual
candidates corrupt the governing process, or is this simply
a valid method for exerting influence?
Interest groups are collections of individuals who come together
to make some specific demand upon society. Most likely all of
us are currently, or have been, members of at least one interest
group -- NRA, PETA, Greenpeace, etc.
Current laws prevent individuals from making unlimited contributions
directly to a candidate's campaign. However, there are no such
limitations on contributions to political parties, and the parties
are free to use any and all contributions on the behalf of the
candidate.
What follows is a sampling of some of the more insightful student
comments from this and past discussions:
Interest groups influence public policy by funding
the career aspirations of those who vote for their causes. This
enables corporate America to have significantly more political
influence than an individual's single vote. We accept the disparity
because we are a capitalist society and money talks…
Up to a certain point, I think that "soft money" contributions
are okay in that it is a valid way of throwing around influence.
But when it turns strictly to a pay-off for a certain party
or candidate, that is where I think it goes too far. Of course,
I realize this is a very fine line, but in theory, I think
it is a valid method for exerting influence UNTIL that money
is all the candidate or party cares about.
…Bribery does come to mind, but to what degree? These
independent groups are supporting a person, and if this person
doesn't do what the supporting groups wants..... no funding!…
Social Movement of the 21st Century
In the spirit of the Equal Rights movement and the Civil
Rights movement of the 20th Century, what do you believe will
be the defining social movement of the 21st Century -- gay rights,
rights of the child, internationalism, or something else?
Here I really didn't want folks to get into policy debates
regarding the merits of the possible movements I listed, but
it appears such was the case. :-) What I did want was for folks
to carefully analyze current social trends and speculate as
to which trends might developed into full-blown movements. Also,
several folks mentioned patriotism and anti-terrorism. Certainly
in the wake of the horrible events of September 11th these are
two very important aspects of present day America, but I would
argue that neither would really fit into the framework of a
social movement. Anti-terrorism is more of a governmental policy
and patriotism is always present to a great or lesser degree.
Certainly anytime our country feels threatened we rally around
our national symbols (for example, President Bush's 90 percent
approval rating just after the attack) and our nation becomes
far more patriotic. But for most citizens active patriotism
is a fleeting notion. Just ask someone who purchased an American
flag after September 11th about its proper display. No, leaving
it out in the dark and the rain touching muddy ground is not
the proper method. Sorry, I need to get off my soapbox, just
a little perturbed at some of the ways I have seen our flag
displayed. Anyway, my point is that patriotism comes and goes;
an examination of our country's history shows that it is not
a sustainable trend.
What follows is a sampling of some of the more insightful student
comments from this and past discussions:
I think the Twenty-first Century will have two
defining social movements--Privacy and Intangible Property Rights.
For example, who will have access to our genetic information
and how will they be permitted to use the information they get?
And are we willing to be a "transparent society" where everything
we do is recorded digitally? Also, in contemporary society,
most of the value of things exists in a digital electronic format
rather than a physical form. The lack of a physical form means
there is little scarcity to reproducing objects. With unlimited
reproduction capabilities, trivial distribution costs and a
virtual existence, who actually owns what and what does ownership
mean?
I believe that one of the biggest movements in the 21st
century will be gay rights. I think that the three factors
that Doug McAdam says needs to be in place to feed a powerful
movement. Politicians seem to be starting to listen to gay
right issues and there are large numbers of people who are
choosing to live a gay lifestyle and these people have resources.
I do not believe that this movement will involve violence.
I believe another issue that we will address is at what
point an embryo becomes a person worthy of protection under
the law. I am not only speaking of abortion, but what rights
do eggs and sperm have after they are harvested for scientific
reasons.
In the spirit of the REAL social trend of the later part
of the 20th Century and continuing unabated into the new millennium,
I believe that until there is a significant shift back to
a social conscience, the defining movement will be in the
area of the Right To Be A Victim. Rather than seeking to find
and correct social causality problems, all the gathering storms
have aligned to validate victimhood and thereby exempt everyone
from any personal responsibility for their own lives. All
difficulties and failures are someone else’s fault. For example:
People ordering “Hot Coffee” should be warned that it is ….
(surprise) … hot!
|
|
February
16th: POL
120, Student Question: Essay
Confirmation Message
Student Question:
I'm still a little unclear about sending
in the essays. How will I know you received it?
My Response:
I've mentioned the confirmation message
several times (in the Essay #1 announcement and in both the
Essay #1 (Reminder) and Essay #1 (Advice) emails). When I receive
your essay answer, I will immediately send you a confirmation
message -- this is your receipt proving that I have received
your essay. Usually, you'll receive a confirmation message from
me within 2 to 3 hours of sending your answer. However, if you
send your answer late in the evening, I won't send out a confirmation
message till early the next morning.
It is your responsibility to get your
answer to me by midnight EDT Friday evening the 18th of February.
I have an 8-hour grace period for folks who experience problems
sending their essay, but after 8am EDT Saturday the 19th, I
will not accept any more answers. Hence you had better be sure
you have a confirmation message from me before that time. I
implore ya'll not to wait until the absolute last minute to
send your answers; if you do, you're courting trouble. For all
answers received by the deadline, midnight EDT Friday evening,
I'll guarantee to send out a confirmation message prior to the
end of the grace period. If you send your answer during the
grade period, 12am to 8am Saturday morning, I will have no way
of sending you a confirmation message prior to the end of the
grace period.
|
|
February
15th: POL
120, Submitting Essay Assignments
Student Question:
I have a question concerning essay #1 (and each consecutive
essay). I know that you want two single-spaced pages.
Is there a way to compose the essay on say, Microsoft Word and
then paste it to the email that will be sent to you? If
not, do we write two pages out on paper and then type it on
the email, or type directly on the email. If we type directly
on the email, is there any way to tell if we have written two
pages?
My Response:
First of all don’t worry about the page length, it is the word
total I am interested in – somewhere betwee 1000 to1500 words
for the essay.
As I've said in previous email messages, I strongly advise
ya’ll to write your essay in a word-processing program such
as Microsoft Word and then save it. This is very important,
for you sure don’t want to have to retype or reconstruct your
essay.
Here are those copying and pasting instructions again.
Once you have saved you essay, have your email program and
your word-processing programs opened simultaneously. To copy
your essay, simply highlight the material and then hit Control-c
(this will copy the material highlighted). Now move to your
email program and be sure that your cursor is in the text
box, and then hit Control-v (this will paste the material that
has been highlighted). ***One note, Control-c
means that you hold down the Ctrl key and hit the c key, and
Control-v means that you hold down the Ctrl key and hit the
v key.***
Here it is one more time in a nutshell.
- Save your work in your word-processing program!
- Highlight your text.
- Hit Control-c.
- Move to your email program.
- Make sure you are in the text section of your message.
- Hit Control-v.
- Send your email message to me at ernest@ernestmorgan.com
Please do not send material via attachments.
I do not accept attachments due to my fear of computer viruses.
|
|
February
14th: POL
120, Essay #1 (Advice)
Hi All,
As ya'll know your answers for Essay #1 are due to me via email
by midnight, this Friday evening (2/18). There will be an 8-hour
grace period extending till 8am Saturday (2/19), but after that
time I will accept no more answers. As soon as I receive your
emailed answer, I will send you a confirmation message. If
you don't receive a confirmation message from me within a couple
of hours (or by 8am the next morning if you sent it after 10pm
the previous evening), assume that I have not received your
essay and resend immediately.
Also, remember that you MUST
send your answer in the body of a regular email message. I
DO NOT accept attachments.
Finally, an in some respects most importantly, I do want to
remind folks that the emphasis of this assignment is the Political
Concepts, not the topic. If you remember my note on the Essay
#1 assignment page:
Remember the key to the assignment
is to demonstrate your mastery of the political concepts by
incorporating them, in detail, into your examination of the
topic. Don't become overly concerned with the topic to the detriment
of a detailed discussion of the political concepts.
The topic (federalism) is merely a vehicle through which you will
demonstrate you mastery of 5 of the assigned Political Concepts.
By demonstrating your mastery of the Political Concepts, I mean
that you have discussed them in detail (not merely used them in
a sentence) in relation to the assigned topic. The Political Concepts
for Essay #1 are:
- the Federalist versus Anti-Federalist debate,
- Article I, Section 8 - Enumerated Powers,
- Article I, Section 8 - Implied Powers (necessary
and proper clause),
- Article I, Section 10
- Article VI (supremacy clause)
- the 10th Amendment (reserve powers)
- and McCulloch v. Maryland (1819).
Remember, of this list you must select 5.
Now, I have asked ya'll to limit your answers to around 1000
to 1500 words (approximately two to three, single-spaced pages).
That of course is an estimate. If you go a little over that,
I will still accept you answer, so don't let any limits hold
you back. Do remember that this is an assignment that ya'll
have had nearly two weeks to work on, and my expectations are
geared accordingly.
Take care,
Ernest
|
|
February
12th: POL120,
Discussion #5 - My Comments
Hi All,
What follows are my comments for Discussion #5. You'll find
each of the three questions in bold, followed by my comments
for that question and also a sampling of some of the more insightful
student comments from this and past discussions. Once you've
had a chance to carefully go over this material, please do shoot
me an email with any questions you might have. I do want to
take a moment here to remind folks of a few discussion board
policies. The following three types of responses will be deleted
from the discussion board and will not result in any participation
credit:
- A response that does not begin with the name of the person
to whom you are responding.
- A response that simply says, "you're answer really helped
me better understand the question."
- A response that simply agrees and then restates the material
from the message to which it is responding.
Please do remember that you are always free to submit anything
you want in the Free Discussion Area form. Also, there are several
other points I do want to make:
- Don't simply insert quotes from the textbook or from a
website. I want to see your thoughts on the question, not
the textbook's. However, if you feel that you must insert
a quote from the textbook or from a website, do be sure to
properly cite that material; and if it is a direct quote,
you must place the quoted text inside quotation marks, to
do otherwise is plagiarism.
- Discussions conclude promptly at midnight on Friday evenings.
No submissions made after that time will be counted towards
your participation grade.
- Students waiting till the last Friday of the discussion
to make their initial response will be counted as present
for participation grade purposes, but will receive no additional
participation credit.
- Submitting a response to fellow students in the form of
a question is a great idea, but not late on the last Friday
night of the discussion. No sense posing a question to which
you know the person won't have time to respond.
- Please don't type in ALL CAPS. In Internet culture ALL
CAPS is considered shouting.
- Finally, if you have questions about the material during
the week, please do send them to me in an email message, and
I will send my response out to the entire class.
Take Care,
Ernest
National versus State Power
What powers and responsibilities did the US Constitution
give the national government in relation to the states and the
states in relation to the national government?
The key relationship here is between the ‘Necessary and Proper’
clause of Article I, Section 8 and the 10th Amendment.
The 'Necessary and Proper' clause gives the US Congress the
right to make all laws which shall be deemed (by Congress, the
President and the Supreme Court -- all national actors) …necessary
and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers
(the enumerated powers of Article I, Section 8), and all other
powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the
United States, or in any department or officer thereof. Sounds
like pretty sweeping stuff doesn't it.
Contrast the sentiments of the 'Necessary and Proper' clause
with the 10th Amendment -- The powers not delegated to the United
States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states,
are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. The
key phrase here being, 'not delegated;' certainly one could
interpret the 10th Amendment to argue that we should only focus
on the enumerated (delegated) powers of the US Congress and
should keep a very close rein on any of the 'implied' powers
of the 'Necessary and Proper' clause.
What follows is a sampling of some of the more insightful student
comments from this and past discussions:
Several decades of legislative and judicial abuse
do not change the specifics of power division as established
by the United States Constitution. Amendment 10 clearly states,
"The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution,
nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States
respectively, or to the people." Article 1, Section 8 of the
US Constitution outlines powers specifically granted to Congress:
(power to tax, borrow money, regulate trade, regulate immigration,
control the nation's currency, set standard measurements, provide
for postal services, issue copyrights and patents, establish
federal courts, and declare war). Article 2, Section 2 sets
forth powers of the Executive Branch: (Commander in Chief of
the armed forces, power to make treaties with Senate approval,
appointment of ambassadors, Supreme Court justices, and "other
officers," etc.) Article 3 of the Constitution established a
judicial branch to INTERPRET the laws made by Congress. It is
unfortunate that many justices have used their positions to
re-write these laws instead - pre-empting existing state laws
in their decisions. The federal government, contrary to widespread
belief, does not have the constitutional authority to override
state constitutions unless it is exercising one of the specific
rights and responsibilities outlined above. Currently, there
is a frightening imbalance of power between the states and the
federal government. In the case, New York vs. the United States
(1992), Justice Sandra Day O'Connor observed, "The Federal Government
undertakes activities today that would have been unimaginable
to the Framers in two senses; first, because the Framers would
not have conceived that any government would conduct such activities;
and second, because the Framers would not have believed that
the Federal Government, rather than the States, would assume
such responsibilities." In Federalist Paper No. 45, James Madison
noted, "The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to
the federal government are few and defined. Those which are
to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite."
It would be refreshing if any of our elected representatives
- "conservative" or "liberal" - would remember the clearly-defined
intent of our Constitution's framers regarding the federal system,
rather than twisting their words to promote federal centralization
of power.
…It seems to me, especially, that elected officials at
the state and local level would get involved more forcefully
with the struggle to retain power at the level closest to
the people. Unfortunately, in many cases the need for federal
dollars, accepted in hard times and now an integral part of
the budget, outweighs the principles we're discussing. Take
for instance the drinking age. I can vote, die for my country,
receive the death penalty in federal or state court at the
age of eighteen, but I can't buy a beer. This "state" law
is the same as the rest of the states (unless LA is still
holding out... anybody know?) not because the people of NC
voted that way, rather, because our elected representatives
didn't think they could get reelected if they had to raise
taxes to replace the federal dollars fixing the potholes on
I40. Just one glaring example of the federal growth that naturally
follows federal expenditure.
The Constitution setup an idea known as "Dual Federalism"
which stated that were specific powers for the national government
and the state and there were a few powers that overlapped.
The federal government had what are called the enumerated
powers which stated specifically what the powers of the federal
government were. The second is the implied powers which has
been a cause for controversy because this is where the necessary
and proper clause comes into play and depending upon whether
you were a strict constructionist or whether you were a loose
constructionist your view of the implied powers changed. A
strict construction didn't believe that you could read into
what the constitution said you had to take it for face value
and the loose constructionist was a major fan of the elastic
clause which basically stated that the powers of the federal
government could be stretched to overlap the state powers.
The American Economy and the Federal System
How did the expansion and integration of the American economy
over the past two centuries help to shape the balance of governmental
power and authority within the federal system?
Really our form of government was founded on the issue of economics.
It was trade considerations between the states which led to
the Annapolis Convention of 1786, and it was at the Annapolis
Convention that the few delegates who bothered to show decided
that the economic issues facing the fledging country work necessitate
a revision of the existing governing structure -- the Articles
of Confederation. Thus they called for another convention to
be held the following year to consider revising the Articles
of Confederation.
As we all know that that convention held in Philadelphia over
the summer of 1787 became known as the Constitutional Convention
because the delegates decided to start anew from the ground
up, total redefining the relationship between the states and
the national government and moving our governing structure from
a Confederacy to a Federal form of government.
Over time as our economy has taken on an increasing nation
and then international flavor the role for the Federal government
in regulating commerce among the several states (one of the
enumerated powers in Article I, Section 8) has grown drastically.
Also, with trade agreements such as joining the World Trade
Organization (WTO) the signing of the North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA), etc., these are only activities the Federal
government may engage in, and as stated in Article VI
"…all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority
of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land;"
What follows is a sampling of some of the more insightful student
comments from this and past discussions:
I would say the biggest shift in power began during
the Great Depression. President Roosevelt had to do something
so he decided to give large grants and contributions to individuals
and businesses in an effort to keep the American people from
starving to death. This action spurred growth and kept our nation
from falling apart. As Presidents changed the magnitude of our
problems changed but our economy is still dependent upon the
government. As long as our government sets the interest rates
or should I say determines the cost of borrowing money, our
government will continue to have the power and authority over
all of us and our daily lives.
The Civil war clarified the position of state and national
government where states could secede. The expansion of the
country and the coming of the rail road and telegraph changed
the landscape for business. With such large corporations states
couldn't even attempt to control them. With these companies
going from state to state it was impossible and would have
been cumbersome for the companies to try and meet each states
laws. So the national government had to step in and take over.
With the depression in the 1930's and the election of Roosevelt
things would change quickly. The president wanted to make
major changes to get the country back up and running. After
he got his way with the supreme court, some retiring others
changing their votes. He got the approval for his programs.
This led to the National Labor Relations Act, the Railway
Labor Act, the Farm Mortgage Act, and the Social Security
Act. This would change the way the national government would
work from now on.
…everything definitely changes when Roosevelt was elected
it represented probably the biggest government expansion in
our nation's history. I think it was to our benefit that it
happened because without this expansion who knows how long
we would have been in a depression. Thanks to Roosevelt we
were able to climb out of it and get feet back on the ground.
I also believe that World War II played the biggest role in
ending the Great Depression.
States: A Present Day Role?
Have the complexities and dangers of the late twentieth and
early twenty-first centuries rendered our government essentially
national or do state and local governments still have important
roles to play?
It really boils down to your view of federalism. Supporters
of the nation-centered view argue that the nation preexisted
the states and called the states into existence when the Continental
Congress instructed the colonies to sever ties to England. In
contrast, supporters of the state-centered view argue that the
states preexisted the nation and created it by a compact among
themselves. They believed that the individual states could secede
from the union if the national government violated the compact
by encroaching upon state sovereignty.
With the above sentiments in mind, you really can make a solid
argument either way. Certainly issues such as education will
always have a have local and state component. However, broader
issues such as health care and national security will take the
states working in union at the direction of the national government
in order to be effective.
What follows is a sampling of some of the more insightful student
comments from this and past discussions:
Each individual state definitely has its own important
role to the citizens of that state and to the nation. However,
I think the national government is definitely center stage right
now. In some ways that's good and in other it's bad. They have
taken so much on (i.e. war in Iraq, Afghanistan situation, social
roles with England and the eastern Asiatic countries) that I'm
afraid it's spread itself too thin. The national government
can no longer do anything WELL. I think the states are suffering
(i.e. NC's economy as well as other states is in terrible shape,
unemployment is high, health plans are lacking or very expensive,
taxes went up). The states are trying to cope with the mistakes
of the national government.
I believe that today there is a much greater emphasis
put on the National government. I do believe that the state
governments were intended to exercise more power that they
do; however, because technology is shrinking our world, it
is much easier for the National government to function.
In regards to the very near and present dangers that our
nation faces in this day and time, I would have to say that
for national security issues there has been a definite shift
to national control. With the passing of the American Patriot
Act there have been additional powers created or increased.
The local and state governments do play a part in the security
but it is on the federal level that our security lies with
the operations of the FBI, CIA, and the newly created Homeland
Security Dept. It does filter down to state and local levels,
but the information is being gathered and disseminated by
national departments. The local and state can only act/react
based on what information they have.
|
|
February
11th: POL
120, Essay #1 (Reminder)
Hi All,
Essay #1 is due this coming Friday (2/18) evening by midnight.
For more information please do carefully review the Essay #1
message on the Announcement page and the assignment itself.
If you have any questions at all concerning the assignment,
please do let me know.
You should send your answer to me via regular email -- no
attachments -- just copy and paste your answer into
the body of a regular email message. There is an 8-hour grace
period extending from midnight Friday to 8am Saturday the 19th.
During that time, I will still be accepting answers, but after
8am Saturday, I will no longer accept any answers for Essay
#1.
It is important that you include your full name at the top
of the text of your email message, and that the subject line
of your email message reads POL 120: Essay #1. When I
receive your answer, I will send a very short confirmation message.
Usually, you will receive it a few hours after your submission;
however, if you send your assignment in the evening, I might
not get you a confirmation message till the next morning. If
you do not received a confirmation message, by all means resend
you answer. My point is, if you have
not received a confirmation message from me, consider that I
have not received your answer. My confirmation message to you
is your receipt showing that you have submitted the assignment.
I strongly urge you to complete your assignment as soon as possible
and never plan on using the grace period. In fact, submitting
your essay a few days in advance of the deadline would be the
best plan. Remember it is your responsibility to get the assignment
to me in the manner I have described above.
Finally, please do remember the key to the assignment is to
demonstrate your mastery of the political concepts by incorporating
them, in detail, into your examination of the topic. Don't become
overly concerned with the topic to the detriment of a detailed
discussion of the political concepts, and
do be sure to put everything in your own words. If you do use
the words, thoughts or ideas of another, you must properly cite
your source (author name, publication, and page number) and
direct quotes must include the previous reference information
and be placed inside quotation marks "...", to do otherwise
is plagiarism. I am here to answer any questions
you might have about the assignment. I will not review drafts,
but if you’d like to send me a skeletal outline of what you
are working on (be sure to include the specific political concepts
you will use), I’ll be very happy to provide feedback. If you
do wish me to look over a skeletal outline, you'll need to get
it to me by Tuesday (2/15), otherwise I won't have enough time
to thoroughly go over your outline and get you any meaningful
feedback in time for you to incorporated it into your essay.
Take care,
Ernest
|
|
February
8th: POL
120, Student Question: What
are you looking for in Essay #1
Student Question:
Do you want us to take a stand as we discuss each of the several
concepts and the effects of each or do you just want us to incorporate
the given questions to a few of the concepts without taking
a stand to the issue.
My Response:
I know this is a rather formulaic approach, but these essays
aren’t supposed to be great literature; they’re just a tool
for you to demonstrate your have mastery the material. :-)
Please remember that the topic question is merely a vehicle
through which you demonstrate your mastery of the political
concepts. Taking a position is fine, but please don't fall victim
to becoming overly concerned with the topic -- always
remember the assignment is primarily about the political concepts.
Do start your essays with a brief introductory paragraph (in
this introductory paragraph be sure to include a statement of
purpose for your essay – what are you going to do and how are
you going to do it – and also list the political concepts which
you will address in your essay). This introductory
paragraph is very important. In it you are providing me with
a roadmap for your essay and alerting me to exactly which political
concepts you will analysis. Please do not make the mistake of
not including this information in your introductory paragraph.
As you move to your discussion of the political concepts be
sure to devote a paragraph to each political concept. Begin
that paragraph by defining (in your own words) the concept and
then apply the concept to your analysis of the topic question.
Don't assume any knowledge on my part;
you want to really beat me over the head with your mastery of
the political concepts.
Finally, I do want to remind folks to always put things into
their own words. Don’t simply paraphrase the textbook or the
articles and don’t rely on long quotes. I
am only interested in your analysis of the political concepts.
To this end you need to accomplish two things: 1) provide an
in-depth explanation of the concepts – in your own words, and
2) demonstrate that you are able to use the concepts in a contextual
setting. The second point is why the assignment has
a topic question, for without a topic you would have no opportunity
to demonstrate your ability to apply the concept in context.
If anyone has any more questions about exactly what I am looking
for in this assignment, now is the time to ask.
Take care,
Ernest
|
|
February
7th: POL
120, Discussion #4 - My Comments
Hi All,
What follows are my comments for Discussion #4. You'll find
each of the three questions in bold, followed by my comments
for that question and also a sampling of some of the more insightful
student comments from this and past discussions. Once you've
had a chance to carefully go over this material, please do shoot
me an email with any questions you might have.
Take Care,
Ernest
Constitutional Convention: The Participants
Who were the men who came to Philadelphia in the spring of
1787? What ideas and experiences shaped their views on government?
The delegates to came to the Philadelphia (Constitutional)
Convention because they suffered under a government too weak
to adequately govern. Yet many had actively fought a revolution
because they chafed under a government that was too powerful.
The delegates feared both anarchy and tyranny. A federal form
of government (one in which power is shared between the central
government and distinct sub-units, in our case states) was established
due to the very sentiment mentioned above. The delegates feared
a unitary government, such as they had known under British rule,
but also were frustrated by the inadequate governability of
the confederacy established by the Articles of Confederation.
Thus, a federal form of government seemed the logical middle
ground.
For some interesting biographical information on the delegates
who participated in the Constitutional (Philadelphia) Convention,
go to
http://www.archives.gov/national_archives_experience/charters/constitution_founding_fathers.html
and scroll down the page just a bit and then click on the individual
delegate’s name – they are arranged by the states which they
represented.
What follows is a sampling of some of the more insightful student
comments from this and past discussions:
Of the 55 men gathered at the convention,
• 46 were at one time members of colonial or state legislators,
• 7 were governors,
• 42 had been delegates to the earlier Continental Congress,
• 8 were signers of the Declaration of Independence,
• 47 were born in America,
• 31 were Ivy League college grads,
• 21 had military experience,
• 34 were students of law,
• 13 were in business,
• 10 were farmers,
and they ranged between the ages of 26 to 81. Those who had
attended college probably brought to the convention with them
the thought of the Enlightenment Era such as the idea of unalienable
rights and government by the consent of the governed. They also
were well learned in history and the failings and weaknesses
of past governments. They knew the power of political power
to ruin a country and its people. Since most of the delegates
were American born, they probably had a strong view of the country
as their country and had a love and pride in it. They wanted
it and the freedoms of the people to be preserved.
There were 55 participants: Connecticut; Roger Sherman,
Oliver Ellsworth, William Samuel Johnson Delaware; Richard
Bassett, Gunning Bedford Jr., Jacob Broom, John Dickinson,
George Read Georgia; Abraham Baldwin, William Few, William
Houstoun, William Leigh Pierce Maryland; Daniel Carroll, Daniel
of St. Thomas Jenifer, Luther Martin, James McHenry, John
Francis Mercer Massachuttes; Elbridge Gerry, Nathaniel Gorham,
Rufus King, Caleb Strong NH; Nicholas Gilman, John Langdon
NJ; David Brearly, Johnathan Dayton, William C. Houston, William
Livingston, William Paterson NY; Alexander Hamilton, John
Lansing Jr., Robert Yates North Carolina; William Blount,
William Richardson Davie, Alexander Martin, Richard Dobbs
Spaight Sr., Hugh Williamson PA; George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimons,
Benjamin Franklin, Jared Ingersoll, Thomas Mifflin, Gouverneur
Morris, Robert Morris, James Wilson SC; Pierce Butler, Charles
Pinckney, Charles Colesworth Pinckney, John Rutledge VA; John
Blair, James Madison, George Mason, James McClurg, Edmund
Randolph, George Washington, George Wythe. Most of these men
had public service; 24 served in the Continental Congress
1774 - 1787, 39 had served in the Confederation Congress 1781
- 1787, 21 had fought in the Revolutionary War, 7 had been
Governors, 46 had served in State legislatures. They
all had the experience and knowledge needed to form a government.
They had seen what worked and what didn't and could put it
into practice forming the foundations of the government we
needed and still have.
In 1787, 55 delegates from the 12 states sent men of utmost
character. They were wealthy, well educated and politically
known, including: George Washington, James Madison, George
Mason and Edmond Randolph all from VA. Some had served in
the Revolutionary War and all of them had served in some post
of government. So they all had an idea of what America needed,
they just needed to get all their ideas together and come
up with what we needed to succeed as a country. Using knowledge
of past politics and past experiences, they came to the conclusion
that we needed the following.
1.A written constitution, so that distribution and power
can be watch by the citizens to ensure that powers did not
expand or move in the government.
2.A form of representative government was needed that was
stable and relative to the citizens.
3. A form of federalism to balance the power between national
and state government.
4.A need to separate the power of making laws and enforcing
laws.
5. A check and balance by bicameralism.
Now they had the 5 things they knew were needed, so let
the convention debates begin.
After Shay's Rebellion, weaknesses of the national government
in the Articles of Confederation were obvious…
You have identified the very reason why the dissatisfaction
with the political representation is ever increasing. In a
nutshell, the Representatives are not representative of the
population.
Constitutional Convention: The Debates
In your opinion, what was 'the' central issue debated at
the convention? There is no 'right' answer; just be sure to
justify your argument.
While it was indeed not certain who would reign supreme, the
states or the central government. The very act of revising the
Articles of Confederation established a trend toward greater
power for the central government. Realizing this, many ardent
states rights supporters (such as Patrick Henry) chose not to
attend the Convention. Ultimately the debate would simmer until
the outcome of the Civil War which forever answered the question
in favor of the central government.
What follows is a sampling of some of the more insightful student
comments from this and past discussions:
In my opinion, the central issue or "main issue"
debated at the convention was the question of power--who was
going to be in power and how much power would he have?
The central issue was to form a stronger national government.
The majority of delegates wanted this because of the cons
of the Articles of Confederation. Under the Articles each
state had its sovereignty or independence; each state was
their own country. The negatives to this were that the powers
designated to the Continental Congress under the Articles
was not enforceable and there came to be hard feelings between
states. They needed a form of government that had power to
enforce agreements but that did not have unilateral powers
that could be abused. This is why the delegates threw out
the Articles and James Madison and others wrote a new constitution
that created three branches of government creating a checks
and balances system.
I believe that one of the most important issues that began
this convention lay between the differences of the southern
and northern states. It was probably obvious that these states
would have different issues from the start.
I believe the major stumbling block at the convention
revolved around representation. Who would have how many representatives.
Large states wanted more representatives the small states
feared they would not have a voice or power to steer their
own fates. This battle went on and on and was finally compromised
that each state would have an equal amount of Senators but
the House Representatives would be based on population.
The central issue at the Constitutional Convention was
the dilemma of fair representation. Larger states wanted representation
to be derivative each states population. The larger states
were "hoping that their greater numbers and wealth would be
reflected in greater influence over the national councils."
Predictably, smaller states argued that all states should
have equal representation in both the House of Representatives
and the Senate. They worried "their interests would suffer"
if the councils were dominated by the larger states. Interestingly,
men from the South expressed similar concerns worrying "their
interests would suffer" if men from the North dominated. North
vs. South? Slaveholders vs. Abolitionists? Puritan vs. Baptist?
A compromise was finally reached after delegates from Connecticut
proposed representation be based on population in the House
and be equal in the Senate. Regardless, "the convention took
seven weeks of intense debate to move grudgingly, toward the
middle ground..."
The Bill of Rights
After reading the 'Pro and Con' piece on page 45 (page 57
if you are using the 1st edition of the textbook), what do you
belief? Do we need a Bill of Rights?
Please do note that Only the first ten amendments, which were
ratified together on Dec. 15th 1791, are known as the Bill of
Rights.
Certainly, the notions of ‘right’ and ‘liberties’ will be a
very real point of debate in the coming weeks and months as
the US government struggles with the dilemma of how to balance
security considerations along with the rights and liberties
guaranteed to all Americans by the Bill of Rights. We will spend
much more time on the distinction between Civil Liberties and
Civil Rights when we examine Chapter 13 in a couple of weeks.
I do very much agree with the majority of ya’ll that the Bill
of Rights is still a very important part of our lives and it
is very much needed.
I believe a key debate for the 21st Century will be over the
4th Amendment.
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses,
papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures,
shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon
probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly
describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things
to be seized.
How will we protect ‘privacy’ is an era of ever increasing
abilities of governments to collection information on us and
monitor our activities? See, http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/data/constitution/amendment04/,
for more on this amendment.
What follows is a sampling of some of the more insightful student
comments from this and past discussions:
A Bill of Rights is very important, it's a binding
contract with the people and their leaders that certain rights
will be protected. At the time the document was needed to convince
the people still unsure about the new constitution, that for
lack of a better phrase, "the government would have their back".
I don't think that it was out of pure and honest concern for
civil liberties that the Bill of Rights was formed, but rather
of a combination of that and the need to pacify the opposition.
Regardless of the circumstances leading to the Bill of Rights,
the history that follows it is much more telling. It seems that
since its creation, the amendments were meant to be bent and
twisted which ever way fit the leaders of that time. The Sedition
Act in 1798, and up to present with the Patriot Act, show us
that the Bill of Rights isn't the armor of protection it seems
to be.
The thing that I am concerned about is what the government
deems a terrorist. Is a terrorist somebody who does not agree
with the way the government acts or is? Is a terrorist one
who is conservative or "fundamentalist." Terrorist is a very
broad term. The other day, a researcher spoke of there being
many similarities between the Al Qaida and the fundamentalist
conservative Christians. That kind of shakes me up because
many view me as a fundamentalist conservative Christian. Does
this make me fit in the criteria as a terrorist. I am afraid
that it might someday…
Yes, I am afraid we do. The purpose of listing our rights
was to bind the government in a written contract from touching
our rights. Even now with our rights being amended to the
Constitution, the government seems to be trying to do everything
to limit OUR rights. For example, the government is trying
to limit our First Amendment rights (it is trying to free
us from our freedoms of religion, speech, press, assembly,
and petition (not listed by the book), Second Amendment right
to bear arms, the Fourth Amendment right to be secure against
unlawful searches and seizures, the Fifth Amendment privilege
against self-incrimination (Look at the form you have to fill
out for government purposes), and so on. Many of these freedom
will be more encroached upon under the new Homeland Security
Act which natural places all residents and (or) citizens of
the US under suspicion and the watchful eye of the government
as potential terrorists. I am surprised how people will give
up their rights for security when our founding fathers gave
up their security and so much more so that posterity could
enjoy freedom. Posterity though seems to count that freedom
and the blood shed as nothing.
The problem with the mentality of "if you have nothing
to hide, what are you afraid of?" is that it's the beginning
of a very slippery slope. Once people stop standing up for
the rights that so many people died for, because they have
nothing to hide, those rights are going to be taken advantage
of. I have nothing to hide, and here's what I'm afraid of...that
by allowing small infringes on peoples rights to privacy,
like library records, go on without dispute, how long will
it be before car searches and house searches will be treated
the same way? How long will it be before freedom of speech
is assaulted in the same way? Give the government an inch
and they just might take a mile.
After reviewing some of the material between the two sides
the opponents of the Bill of Rights had a warranted concern.
Given our human nature, they knew that there would be problems
with the people in office "Government" imposing implied powers
if all rights were not spelled out one by one. One look at
today’s U.S. Supreme Court will justify that. They (US S.
Court) have constantly been asked to decide between the two.
However, I do think and believe the Bill of Rights was needed.
Where would we be today without them? The Bill of Rights provided
a starting point for our individual liberties. I do think
and believe that we as a country must be open to change, because
what worked 200 years ago may or may not work today. We have
to be willing to accept the responsibilities of change for
the future generations, just as the founding fathers did for
us.
One of the chief arguments of the Anti-Federalists was
that if a Bill of Rights was included, the people would feel
that certain rights had been left out, that it would be impossible
to enumerate all rights of humankind. But, the Bill of Rights
makes up for this excuse by including the 10th Amendment:
“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution,
nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states
respectively, or to the people.”
I do believe at that time we needed a bill of rights.
But I also agree with James Wilson about the danger of leaving
implied rights at the behest of government to recognize. Take
for instance what is commonly considered the right to privacy.
Well that is a very dear implied right to most Americans but
it has been infringed upon by government many times and their
actions were later upheld by the courts. The only free space
in America lies between your ears. In the name of security
all privacy advocates have seen their efforts set back and
perhaps rendered futile by the insane actions of a few non-citizens.
Big brother has arrived and we are lacking the constitutionality
to combat him.
|
|
February
6th: POL 120,
Student Question: Essay #1's Format
Student Question:
Got a question - am trying to work on this essay have need
a basic question answered. Since I've learned that each instructor
has their own vision of what should be in an essay answer --
What format of response are you wanting covered in the essay?
You refer to an outline that you will review - what parts are
you thinking of for this outline? If you can clarify this, I
will have a better chance of covering the points required in
the essay.
My Response:
My vision for the essay is for you to demonstrate, in some
detail, a mastery of 5 of the political concepts included with
the assignment. Please do refer back to the POL 120, Essay
#1: Using the Political Concepts (Example) email I sent
out on Friday the 4th for an example of the kind of detail I
am looking for. I do want you to address the topic, federalism,
but it is your demonstration of a mastery
of the concepts that is the key -- the topic is merely a vehicle
allowing you to show your understanding of the political concepts.
As for the format, please provide:
- a brief introductory paragraph (in this paragraph be sure
to include a statement of purpose for your essay – what are
you going to do and how are you going to do it – and also
list the concepts which you will address in your essay),
- a paragraph of analysis or so on each of your 5 concepts,
(see the Article V example
from the POL 120, Essay #1: Using the Political Concepts
(Example) email. You should plan on having 5 such paragraphs
in your essay -- one for each concept.)
- and a concluding paragraph.
Do remember that I don't mind if ya'll go over the 1,000 to 1,500
word range for the essay. However, if you starting getting up
in the 1,800 to 2,000 word range, do consult with me.
I will not review a draft (it is too close to the finished
product for it to be fair for me to comment on it), but if you
wish to send me an skeletal outline to review, I’ll be very
happy to provide feedback. I'd like your outline to include
a sentence or two representing your intro (here you would provide
a justification on how your 5 concepts fit together in your
essay) and a sentence representing your conclusion and then
a listing of the 5 political concepts you plan to include --
for each concept you should provide a brief sentence on how
it relates to the topic. Again, I won't look over a draft ,
and I won't look over any outlines that come in after Tuesday
the 15th, for after that date I won't have enough time to thoroughly
go over your outline and get you any meaningful feedback in
time for you to incorporated it into your essay.
|
|
February
4th: POL 120,
Using
the Political Concepts (Example)
Hi All,
Below is an example
of the kind of depth I am looking for in your discussion of
the political concepts in Essay #1:
Perhaps,
the most far-sighted and most democratic provision of the Constitution
can be found in Article V, the amending process. Now
the formal process is mainly the domain of the US Congress and
the various state legislators, but it is not the formal process
that wins my admiration. It is the understanding that the founders
held, that our society would be an evolving one. They understood
the need for the Constitution to adapt the to changing desires
of future generations – what an inspired and democratic notion.
I always chuckle when some political commentator speaks for
the founder’s intent. For one, who cares what mean who lived
more than 200 years ago in a society very different from our
own might think about the issues we grapple with today. But
more importantly, it was the founders INTENT, not to impose
their will upon future generations. They very purposefully designed
a document capable of change, so that each generation of Americans
could adapt the Constitution to their society. Hence the commentator
is missing the point; yes, the founders would have an opinion
on the particular issues that we face today, but much more important
they already voiced their intent for generations to come by
in essence saying, ‘Solve it for yourself; take structure of
this document and mold it to your society.’
This excerpt on the
concept Article V is taken from an example answer I wrote
for essay concerning the democratic and undemocratic provisions
of the US Constitution. Remember that your essay should address
5 of the included political concepts. Your charge is to carefully
examine the Topic Assignment and then decide how best to organize
an answer and which of the political concepts are appropriate
to include in your answer. The key to the assignment is to demonstrate
your mastery of the political concepts by incorporating them,
in detail, into your examination of the topic. Also, please do
realize that a standard essay answer should range around 1000
words -- not a limit, but please do respect it to some degree.
|
|